Da estrutura de expressões nominais quantificadas em posição de tópico

Abstract

A well-known restriction on topicalized DPs is that they are subject to a definiteness requirement, as an indefinite element cannot appear in a topic position. (Cf. Hankamer, 1971; Kuno, 1972; Pontes, 1987; Raposo, 1996; Kato, 1998, amoung others). More generally, quantified DPs (QDPS) cannot be topicalized neither in English nor in Brazilian Portuguese. However, how our analysis of Brazilian Portuguese data shows QDPS can be topicalized if they contain an restrictive modifier phrase or occur in a discourse situation that provides them with an antecedent (cf. the question answer). Hence, we have the following observations: (1) bare QDPS are allowed in topic position if the immediate discourse situation provides them with an antecedent. (II) In out-of-the-blue contexts, QDPS are topicalizable if they contain a restrictive modifier. Generalization I: We argue that topicalized bare QDPS have an underlying structure involving elision of a partitive NP. That is, these are QDPS containing an elided restrictive modifier. We present the following arguments for this analysis: First, these DPs can be spelt-out without ellipsis. Second, they obey the so-called partitive constraint (cf. Jackendoff (1977) & de Hoop (1998)), according to which the NP that follows the partitive preposition (of) must be definite. If this is correct, then generalization (I) is a subtype of observation (II): The underling structure of topicalized QDPS always contains a restrictive modifier phrase. Generalization II: Assuming thus that topicalized DPs are definite DPs and that definiteness is a feature of the determiner, then when analyzing observation (II) we need to answer the following question: Under the DP hypothesis (Szabolsci 19983, Abney 1987), how can we explain that the presence of a restrictive modifier within the DP structure can determine the definiteness of the determiner in a compositional way? Our answer is based on a Larsonian view of DPs (cf. Larson 1991 and 2004), according to which the determiner is first merged with the modifier of the nominal expression, then it moves to a higher projection within the DP shell. Hence, the so called NP restrictive modifiers are lexically inserted as the complement of the determiner. Therefore, following Keenan and Stavi (1984) we argue that by merging a quantifier with a restrictive modifier, the determiner becomes [+definite], being thus topicalizable. It has been shown that the presence of an indirect argument within a VP shell can modify the telicity of the verb (Cf. Verkuyl 1972; Tenny 1994). In this dissertation we present a comparision between DPs and VPs, observing that the definite feature of a quantifier is also changed when the DP shell contains a restrictive modifier, which is a complement of the determiner. We offer the following evidence in favor of this analysis: (a) the presence of relative clauses or prepositional phrases that are argumental complements of the noun does not license a QDP in a topic position; (b) certain nominal idiomatic expressions are formed by the determiner and the restrictive modifier to the exclusion of the noun.